Christianity History

Com­pet­ing Doc­trines and Beliefs : Ear­ly Chris­tian­i­ty and Its State of Flux

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Schol­ars gen­er­al­ly acknowl­edge that Chris­tian­i­ty as we know it today was sim­ply one among the many vary­ing and com­pet­ing sec­tar­i­an beliefs amongst the ear­ly Chris­tians in the first three cen­turies. This form of Chris­tian­i­ty was, in fact, a minor­i­ty fac­tion in many local­i­ties and only much lat­er did it attain dom­i­nance. Thus, in the first three cen­turies of Chris­tian­i­ty, we are faced with a vari­ety of com­pet­ing beliefs and sects, with no one dom­i­nant or ortho­dox” form of Christianity.

The promi­nent New Tes­ta­ment schol­ar, Bart Ehrman, explains :

Chris­tian­i­ty in the sec­ond and third cen­turies was in a remark­able state of flux. To be sure, at no point in its his­to­ry has the reli­gion con­sti­tut­ed a mono­lith. But the diverse man­i­fes­ta­tions of its first three hun­dred years — whether in terms of social struc­tures, reli­gious prac­tices, or ide­olo­gies — have nev­er been repli­cat­ed. Nowhere is this seen more clear­ly than in the realm of the­ol­o­gy. In the sec­ond and third cen­turies there were, of course, Chris­tians who believed in only one God ; oth­ers, how­ev­er, claimed that there were two Gods ; yet oth­ers sub­scribed to 30, or 365, or more. Some Chris­tians accept­ed the Hebrew Scrip­tures as a rev­e­la­tion of the one true God, the sacred pos­ses­sion of all believ­ers ; oth­ers claimed that the scrip­tures had been inspired by an evil deity. Some Chris­tians believed that God had cre­at­ed the world and was soon going to redeem it ; oth­ers said that God nei­ther had cre­at­ed the world nor had ever had any deal­ings with it. Some Chris­tians believed that Christ was some­how both a man and God ; oth­ers said that he was a man, but not God ; oth­ers claimed that he was God but not a man ; oth­ers insist­ed that he was a man who had been tem­porar­i­ly inhab­it­ed by God. Some Chris­tians believed that Christ’s death had brought about the sal­va­tion of the world ; oth­ers claimed that his death had no bear­ing on sal­va­tion ; yet oth­ers alleged that he had nev­er even died.1

In a lat­er work, Ehrman fur­ther expands on this by saying :

In the ear­li­est cen­turies of the church, a wide range of Chris­t­ian groups advo­cat­ed a vari­ety of the­o­log­i­cal per­spec­tives. Some groups, like the Mar­cionites, held that the God of the Old Tes­ta­ment was dif­fer­ent from the God of Jesus Christ. The Gnos­tics, on the oth­er hand, pro­posed a com­plex cos­mol­o­gy involv­ing mul­ti­ple divine beings. The pro­to-ortho­dox Chris­tians, who even­tu­al­ly emerged as the dom­i­nant group, sought to estab­lish a coher­ent set of beliefs and prac­tices, often in direct oppo­si­tion to these oth­er groups.2

Sim­i­lar­ly, James Dunn — who is no rad­i­cal in New Tes­ta­ment stud­ies — concludes :

We must con­clude that there was no sin­gle nor­ma­tive form of Chris­tian­i­ty in the first cen­tu­ry. When we ask about the Chris­tian­i­ty of the New Tes­ta­ment we are not ask­ing about any one enti­ty : rather, we encounter dif­fer­ent types of Chris­tian­i­ty, each of which viewed the oth­ers as too extreme in one respect or anoth­er — too con­ser­v­a­tive­ly Jew­ish or too influ­enced by antin­o­mi­an or gnos­tic thought and prac­tice, too enthu­si­as­tic or tend­ing towards too much insti­tu­tion­al­iza­tion. Not only so, but each type of Chris­tian­i­ty was itself not mono­chrome and homo­ge­neous, more like a spec­trum. Even when we looked at indi­vid­ual church­es the pic­ture was the same — of diver­si­ty in expres­sion of faith and life-style, the ten­sion between con­ser­v­a­tive and lib­er­al, old and new, past and present, indi­vid­ual and com­mu­ni­ty.3

Elaine Pagels, a renowned schol­ar of ear­ly Chris­tian­i­ty, also empha­sizes the diver­si­ty and com­plex­i­ty of ear­ly Chris­t­ian beliefs. She states :

The con­tro­ver­sies over Christ’s nature, the role of women, and the inter­pre­ta­tion of scrip­ture were not periph­er­al but cen­tral to the ear­ly Chris­t­ian expe­ri­ence. These dis­putes reflect­ed deep dis­agree­ments about the nature of God, the mis­sion of Jesus, and the struc­ture of the Chris­t­ian com­mu­ni­ty itself.4

Dale B. Mar­tin fur­ther elab­o­rates on the frag­ment­ed nature of ear­ly Christianity :

Ear­ly Chris­tian­i­ty was a com­plex and diverse move­ment with many com­pet­ing the­olo­gies and prac­tices. The beliefs and prac­tices that lat­er became ortho­dox were just one among many forms of ear­ly Chris­tian­i­ty.5

His­tor­i­cal Con­text and Developments

The diver­si­ty among the ear­ly Chris­tians is most promi­nent from a com­par­a­tive study of the New Tes­ta­ment writ­ings. In the New Tes­ta­ment doc­u­ments, we are faced with a vari­ety of diverse the­o­log­i­cal beliefs and images of Jesus. This diver­si­ty was a prod­uct of var­i­ous socio-polit­i­cal fac­tors, includ­ing the spread of Chris­tian­i­ty across dif­fer­ent regions and cul­tures, which influ­enced how the new faith was inter­pret­ed and practiced.

The Roman Empire’s polit­i­cal and cul­tur­al land­scape also played a sig­nif­i­cant role in shap­ing ear­ly Chris­t­ian beliefs. As Chris­tian­i­ty spread, it encoun­tered var­i­ous local tra­di­tions and philoso­phies, lead­ing to the syn­cretism and adap­ta­tion of Chris­t­ian teach­ings to dif­fer­ent cul­tur­al contexts.

Nature of God

In a sec­ond or third-cen­tu­ry col­lec­tion of Chris­t­ian hymns, the Ode of Solomon, the nine­teenth ode cel­e­brates God the Father as a woman with breasts :

The Son is the Cup and he who was milked is the Father ; and the Holy Spir­it is she who milked him. Because his breasts were full, and it was unde­sir­able that his milk should be spilled with­out pur­pose, the Holy Spir­it opened her bosom/​womb and mixed the milk of the two breasts of the Father.6

This pas­sage offers a unique and some­what per­plex­ing imagery of God that com­bines mater­nal and pater­nal attrib­ut­es, chal­leng­ing tra­di­tion­al notions of gen­der and divin­i­ty. It reflects an ear­ly Chris­t­ian attempt to artic­u­late the inef­fa­ble nature of God using the famil­iar lan­guage of human rela­tion­ships and bod­i­ly func­tions. Such imagery under­scores the diver­si­ty in ear­ly Chris­t­ian the­o­log­i­cal expres­sion, indi­cat­ing a flu­id­i­ty in how divine attrib­ut­es were under­stood and conveyed.

Anoth­er notable exam­ple comes from the Gnos­tics, who believed in a high­er, unknow­able God and a low­er, cre­ator god (often iden­ti­fied with the God of the Old Tes­ta­ment). This dual­is­tic view is encap­su­lat­ed in the writ­ings found in the Nag Ham­ma­di library, such as the Apoc­ryphon of John, which describes a com­plex hier­ar­chy of divine beings and the cre­ation of the mate­r­i­al world by a less­er deity known as the Demi­urge.7

Nature of Jesus

On the nature of Jesus, some Chris­tians of the time held that he was pure­ly divine and not human at all, while oth­ers believed he was pure­ly human and not divine. Docetism, for instance, posit­ed that Jesus only appeared to have a phys­i­cal body and suf­fer, while Ebion­ism main­tained that Jesus was a mere human prophet who fol­lowed Jew­ish law. The con­fu­sion and lack of con­sen­sus on Jesus’ nature are evi­dent in the diverse chris­to­log­i­cal per­spec­tives found in ear­ly Chris­t­ian writings.

Anoth­er inter­est­ing per­spec­tive is the view of the Gnos­tics, who believed that Jesus impart­ed secret knowl­edge (gno­sis) nec­es­sary for sal­va­tion. Accord­ing to the Gnos­tic texts, such as those found in the Nag Ham­ma­di library, Jesus was a reveal­er of hid­den truths, and his role was more about enlight­en­ment than atone­ment for sins. This stark­ly con­trasts with the pro­to-ortho­dox view that empha­sized Jesus’ sac­ri­fi­cial death as the cor­ner­stone of salvation.

For exam­ple, the Gospel of Thomas por­trays Jesus as a teacher of secret wis­dom, rather than a sav­ior who dies for human­i­ty’s sins. One of the say­ings attrib­uted to Jesus in this text is : If you bring forth what is with­in you, what you bring forth will save you. If you do not bring forth what is with­in you, what you do not bring forth will destroy you.“8

Addi­tion­al­ly, the Adop­tion­ists believed that Jesus was a reg­u­lar human being who was adopt­ed as the Son of God at his bap­tism, res­ur­rec­tion, or ascen­sion. This belief, which stood in con­trast to the notion of Jesus’ pre-exis­tent divin­i­ty, high­lights the vari­ety of ways ear­ly Chris­tians under­stood the rela­tion­ship between Jesus and God.

One ear­ly Chris­t­ian text, the Shep­herd of Her­mas, reflects Adop­tion­ist ideas by empha­siz­ing the moral devel­op­ment and test­ing of a right­eous man who becomes God’s cho­sen ser­vant.9

Nature of the Holy Spirit

Ear­ly Chris­t­ian beliefs about the Holy Spir­it were equal­ly diverse. Some viewed the Holy Spir­it as a dis­tinct per­son with­in the Trin­i­ty, while oth­ers saw it as an imper­son­al force or pres­ence of God. The Mon­tanists, a move­ment found­ed in the sec­ond cen­tu­ry by Mon­tanus, believed that the Holy Spir­it con­tin­ued to speak through prophets, lead­ing to ecsta­t­ic and prophet­ic experiences.

Ter­tul­lian, a promi­nent ear­ly Chris­t­ian writer who lat­er joined the Mon­tanist move­ment, wrote about the Holy Spir­it’s ongo­ing activ­i­ty in his work Against Prax­eas : We [Mon­tanists] rec­og­nize the spir­i­tu­al gifts in the Church…We have also in our day a Par­a­clete who is dai­ly call­ing out in us prophe­cies, visions, and oth­er charis­mat­ic gifts.“10

Addi­tion­al­ly, some ear­ly Chris­t­ian texts attribute a mater­nal role to the Holy Spir­it. For instance, the Gospel of the Hebrews, an ear­ly Chris­t­ian text, refers to the Holy Spir­it as Jesus’ moth­er : And it came to pass when the Lord had come up out of the water, the whole foun­tain of the Holy Spir­it descend­ed upon him and rest­ed upon him and said to him, My son, in all the prophets was I wait­ing for you, that you should come, and I might rest in you. For you are my rest, you are my first-born Son, who reigns for­ev­er.’ 11

Nature of Mary

St. Epipha­nius, Bish­op of Con­stan­tia, in Cyprus, writ­ing in the fourth cen­tu­ry against the Col­lyrid­i­ans, says :

After this a heresy appeared, which we have already men­tioned slight­ly by means of the let­ter writ­ten in Ara­bia about Mary. And this heresy was again made pub­lic in Ara­bia from Thrace and the upper parts of Scythia, and was brought to our ears, which to men of under­stand­ing will be found ridicu­lous and laugh­able. We will begin to trace it out, and to relate con­cern­ing it. It will be judged (to par­take of) silli­ness rather than of sense, as is the case with oth­er like it. For, as for­mer­ly, out of inso­lence towards Mary, those whose opin­ions were such sowed hurt­ful ideas in the reflec­tions of men, so oth­er­wise these, lean­ing to the oth­er side, fall into the utmost harm.….. For the harm is equal in both these here­sies, the one belit­tling the holy Vir­gin, the oth­er again glo­ri­fy­ing her over-much. For who should it be that teach thus but women ? for the race of women is slip­pery, fal­li­ble, and hum­ble-mind­ed.….. For some women deck out a koutrkon that is to say, a square stool, spread­ing upon it a linen cloth, on some solemn day of the year, for some days they lay out bread, and offer it in the name of Mary. All the women par­take of the bread, as we relat­ed in the let­ter to Ara­bia, writ­ing part­ly about that.….. Yea, ver­i­ly, the body of Mary was holy, but was sure­ly not God. Ver­i­ly, the Vir­gin was a vir­gin, and was hon­oured, but was not giv­en to us to wor­ship ; but she wor­ships Him who was born from her accord­ing to the flesh, hav­ing come from heav­en out of the Father’s bosom.….. This offer­ing and eat­ing of cakes was prob­a­bly derived from the wor­ship of Artemis.12

The Col­lyrid­i­ans were a sect that ven­er­at­ed Mary to the extent of offer­ing sac­ri­fices and prayers to her, a prac­tice that was con­sid­ered hereti­cal by the main­stream Church. This extreme ven­er­a­tion high­lights the diver­si­ty of beliefs regard­ing Mary’s role and sta­tus in ear­ly Chris­t­ian com­mu­ni­ties. Some groups, such as the Col­lyrid­i­ans, went so far as to deify Mary, while oth­ers, like the ear­ly pro­to-ortho­dox Chris­tians, main­tained a more sub­dued ven­er­a­tion that did not cross the line into worship.

Con­tem­po­rary Implications

The diver­si­ty of ear­ly Chris­t­ian beliefs under­scores a crit­i­cal point : Chris­tians today would like­ly be deemed heretics by many ear­ly Chris­t­ian sects, just as those ear­ly Chris­tians would be con­sid­ered heretics by today’s stan­dards. This rec­i­p­ro­cal heresy reveals the flu­id and con­test­ed nature of what it means to be tru­ly” Chris­t­ian. It rais­es pro­found ques­tions about the authen­tic­i­ty and author­i­ty of any sin­gle inter­pre­ta­tion of Chris­tian­i­ty. If the ear­ly Chris­tians, with their wide-rang­ing and often con­tra­dic­to­ry beliefs, all claimed to fol­low the teach­ings of Jesus, then which ver­sion, if any, can be con­sid­ered the true Christianity ?

For instance, the Mar­cionites reject­ed the Old Tes­ta­ment and believed in a com­plete­ly sep­a­rate God from the Jew­ish Yah­weh, a belief that mod­ern Chris­tians would find hereti­cal. Sim­i­lar­ly, the Gnos­tic empha­sis on secret knowl­edge as the path to sal­va­tion con­trasts sharply with the main­stream Chris­t­ian focus on faith and doctrine.

Under­stand­ing the diver­si­ty of ear­ly Chris­tian­i­ty reveals its frag­ment­ed and con­tentious ori­gins, marked by his­tor­i­cal incon­sis­ten­cies, doc­tri­nal dis­putes, and pow­er strug­gles that shaped the faith. This aware­ness can prompt con­tem­po­rary Chris­tians to crit­i­cal­ly exam­ine the foun­da­tions of their beliefs and ques­tion the legit­i­ma­cy of what is claimed to be ortho­doxy.” The con­cept of a uni­fied, uncon­test­ed set of doc­trines is con­tra­dict­ed by the numer­ous con­flict­ing teach­ings and sects present in the ear­ly church. By con­fronting these ear­ly diver­gences and pow­er dynam­ics, Chris­tians are encour­aged to reassess the his­tor­i­cal and the­o­log­i­cal under­pin­nings of their faith.

Con­clu­sions

Joachim Jere­mias, one of the fore­most exegete of the New Tes­ta­ment in this cen­tu­ry, who after a life­time of study of the orig­i­nal, final­ly agreed with the Ger­man the­olo­gian Rudolph Bult­mann that :

[W]ithout a doubt it is true to say that the dream of ever writ­ing a biog­ra­phy of Jesus is over.13

Mean­ing that even the chronol­o­gy of the life of Jesus could not be estab­lished from the New Tes­ta­ment. From the above expo­si­tion, it is clear that one now may be led to ask, if this was the state of Chris­tians who can­not even agree on their basic the­ol­o­gy, how are we expect­ed to trust the Chris­t­ian inter­pre­ta­tion of events on even larg­er issues such as Chris­t­ian ethics and Weltanschauung ?

Cer­tain­ly, it is mind-bog­gling to swal­low the present-day mis­sion­ar­ies’ preach­ing of their ver­sion of Chris­tian­i­ty, when it is clear that their fore­fa­thers cer­tain­ly did not believe what they do today. That the Chris­tian­i­ty” of today is sim­ply one of the many, vary­ing beliefs dur­ing its ear­li­er state of exis­tence is evi­dence to us that what Jere­mias said remains true. Yet we still won­der why the mis­sion­ar­ies are anx­ious to pro­claim their one out of many” deviant ver­sions to the Muslims.

And only Allah knows best !Endmark

Cite Icon Cite This As : 
  1. Bart D. Ehrman, The Ortho­dox Cor­rup­tion Of Scrip­ture : The Effect Of Ear­ly Chris­to­log­i­cal Con­tro­ver­sies On The Text Of The New Tes­ta­ment, 1993, Oxford Uni­ver­si­ty Press : Lon­don & New York, p. 3[]
  2. Bart D. Ehrman, Lost Chris­tian­i­ties : The Bat­tles for Scrip­ture and the Faiths We Nev­er Knew, 2003, Oxford Uni­ver­si­ty Press : New York, p. 8[]
  3. James D. G. Dunn, Uni­ty and Diver­si­ty in the New Tes­ta­ment, 1977, SCM Press and West­min­is­ter Press, p. 373[]
  4. Elaine Pagels, The Gnos­tic Gospels, 1979, Ran­dom House : New York, p. 18[]
  5. Dale B. Mar­tin, The Corinthi­an Body, 1995, Yale Uni­ver­si­ty Press : New Haven, p. 2[]
  6. James H. Charlesworth, The Odes of Solomon, 1973, Oxford Uni­ver­si­ty Press : New York, Ode 19:2 – 6[]
  7. Fred­erik Wisse, The Apoc­ryphon of John, in The Nag Ham­ma­di Library, 1988, Harp­er & Row : San Fran­cis­co, p. 104 – 123[]
  8. James M. Robin­son (Edi­tor), The Nag Ham­ma­di Library in Eng­lish, 1988, Harp­er & Row : San Fran­cis­co, p. 126 – 138[]
  9. J.B. Light­foot, The Apos­tolic Fathers, 1891, Macmil­lan : Lon­don, p. 200 – 210[]
  10. Ter­tul­lian, Against Prax­eas, Chap­ter 30[]
  11. Jerome, Com­men­tary on Isa­iah 4:22[]
  12. C. H. H. Wright & C. Neil (Edi­tors), A Protes­tant Dic­tio­nary, 1904, Hod­der & Stoughton, Lon­don, p. 390 (Under Mary, The Vir­gin”)[]
  13. The Prob­lem of the His­tor­i­cal Jesus, Philadel­phia : Fortress Press, 1972, p. 12[]

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